Brad DeLong provides a follow-up to the "Reactionary, Populist, Xenophobic and Just Plain Silly" Roundup:
Stagnant Wages and Ohio: NAFTA Isn't the Problem: An excellent column by David Leonhardt:
The Politics of Trade in Ohio: Now come Mr. Obama and Mrs. Clinton... tough talk about foreign trade... you'd have to conclude that they believe that Nafta and other trade agreements have caused Ohio's huge economic problems.
"She says speeches don't put food on the table," Mr. Obama said in Youngstown. "You know what? Nafta didn't put food on the table, either." Later, he went further, claiming that Ohio's workers have "watched job after job after job disappear because of bad trade deals like Nafta."
Mrs. Clinton's advisers, meanwhile, have been putting out the word that she tried to persuade her husband not to support Nafta -- which liberalized trade with Mexico and Canada -- when he was running for president....
[However, n]either candidate calls for a repeal of Nafta, or anything close to it. Both instead want to tinker with the bureaucratic innards of the agreement.... They call the country's trade policy a disaster, and yet their plan to fix it starts with, um, cracking down on Mexican pollution....
The first problem with what the candidates have been saying is that Ohio's troubles haven't really been caused by trade agreements. When Nafta took effect on Jan. 1, 1994, Ohio had 990,000 manufacturing jobs. Two years later, it had 1.03 million. The number remained above one million for the rest of the 1990s, before plummeting in this decade to just 775,000 today. It's hard to look at this history and conclude Nafta is the villain. In fact, Nafta did little to reduce tariffs on Mexican manufacturers, notes Matthew Slaughter, a Dartmouth economist. Those tariffs were already low before the agreement was signed.
A more important cause of Ohio's jobs exodus is the rise of China, India and the old Soviet bloc, which has brought hundreds of millions of workers into the global economy.... [Y]our credit card's customer service center isn't in Ireland because of a new trade deal. All this global competition has brought some big benefits, too. Consider that cars, furniture, clothing, computers and televisions -- which are all subject to global competition -- have become more affordable, relative to everything else. Medical care, movie tickets and college tuition -- all protected from such competition -- have become more expensive.
So what can be done for Ohio?
There is actually a fair amount of agreement among economists on this question. The solution should involve more government investment in infrastructure, the medical sciences, alternative energy and other areas that could produce good new jobs. A more strategic approach to investment, one less based on the whims of individual members of Congress, would also help....
Over the last week, the candidates' talk has, at times, been silly and even inaccurate. And Ohio's problems would certainly be easier to solve if, as Luis Proenza, president of the University of Akron put it, the candidates were "more true to reality and less prone to invective." But the larger problem is that Ohio's voters have good reason to be angry. For years, they have been promised that globalization was making the United States a richer country. They're still waiting for their share of the bounty.
This is from a previous post:
I want to highlight an important distinction [Olivier] Blanchard makes between protecting jobs and protecting workers:
...It is one thing to say that labor market institutions matter, and another to know exactly which ones and how. Humility is needed here... Nevertheless, even if one cannot pretend to have much confidence about the optimal overall architecture, much has been learned... We know much more about the incentive aspects of unemployment insurance on search intensity and unemployment duration... We know more about the effects of decreasing social contributions on low wages ... We know more about the effects of employment protection, ... From both the macro evidence and this body of micro–economic work, a large consensus—right or wrong—has emerged:
- It holds that modern economies need to constantly reallocate resources, including labor, from old to new products, from bad to good firms.
- At the same time, workers value security and insurance against major adverse professional events, job loss in particular. While there is a trade-off between efficiency and insurance, the experience of the successful European countries suggests it need not be very steep.
- What is important in essence is to protect workers, not jobs.
- This means providing unemployment insurance, generous in level, but conditional on the willingness of the unemployed to train for and accept jobs if available.
- This means employment protection, but in the form of financial costs to firms to make them internalize the social costs of unemployment, including unemployment insurance, rather than through a complex administrative and judicial process.
- This means dealing with the need to decrease the cost of low skilled labor through lower social contributions paid by firms at the low wage end, and the need to make work attractive to low skill workers through a negative income tax rather than a minimum wage.
This consensus underlies most recent reforms or reform proposals ... These measures are probably all desirable...
The point is, if you go along with the idea that we should use social insurance programs to protect workers but not jobs, then this gives a means of evaluating candidate's trade proposals that doesn't depend upon whether the changes are driven by technology, globalization, or some other shock. To what extent does a particular proposal protect jobs and hence inhibit needed flexibility of the labor market? To what extent do the proposals compensate for job flexibility and the insecurity that comes along with it by protecting workers who have been displaced? Do the proposals cause firms to fully internalize the costs of their employment decisions? What types of incentives are built into worker protection programs, i.e. do workers still retain the incentive to seek out and accept new employment?
Workers in Ohio and elsewhere are feeling the effects of something - I think the story above is basically correct but does not place enough emphasis on technological innovation as a cause of recent labor displacing change - but debate over the cause of their troubles shouldn't delay the implementation of policies that could help now.